U.S. inflation will accelerate if recovery stays on track: Kemp

By John Kemp

LONDON (Reuters) – U.S. consumer prices are rising at the fastest rate for several years, as the economy recovers from the coronavirus recession and manufacturing supply chains struggle to keep up with demand.

But the rate of inflation is still being flattered by the relatively modest increase in energy prices, masking the impact of faster increases in food products and other commodities.

If energy prices rise further in the second half of 2021 and into 2022, as the expansion matures, inflation could prove more persistent than anticipated by officials at the Federal Reserve.

The U.S. consumer price index has increased at a compound annual rate of 2.55% over the last two years, the fastest for more than eight years, according to data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

But energy prices have risen at an average rate of only 2.20% over the same period, which uses 2019 rather than 2020 as a baseline to avoid distorted comparisons caused by the first wave of the epidemic last year.

Prices for non-energy items have increased at a rate of 2.59%, the fastest for more than 12 years since the financial crisis of 2008/09.

Inflation has accelerated most sharply in the goods sector, where manufacturers have struggled to meet the surge in demand, especially for motor vehicles and consumer electronics.

As a result, prices for merchandise other than food and energy are increasing at the fastest rate since the early 1990s.

INFLATION OUTLOOK

U.S. central bank officials have said they believe the acceleration will prove temporary, with price increases slowing in 2022 and 2023.

But inflationary pressures normally intensify as a business cycle becomes longer and more capacity constraints emerge.

It would be unusual for inflation to slow as employment rises, manufacturing capacity becomes more fully utilized and service sector output increases.

The relationship between inflation and the business cycle is often obscured because the cycle is presented as if it exists in only two states: recession and expansion.

The two-state model is a simplification. In fact, the rate of growth is highly variable; recessions are only the most pronounced slowdowns.

The long boom between 1991 and 2001 was almost derailed by a sharp mid-cycle slowdown in 1998/99 caused by the East Asia financial crisis, Russian debt default and failure of the Long-Term Capital Management hedge fund.

The expansion between 2001 and 2007 lost momentum in its early stages and threatened to stall in 2002/2003, prompting the Federal Reserve to cut interest rates again to try to entrench the recovery.

During the expansion of 2009 to 2020, a similar early-recovery stall occurred between 2010 and 2012, prompting the Fed to launch further rounds of bond buying.

Later in the same expansion, there was an even more serious mid-cycle slowdown (in effect an undeclared recession) in 2015/16, which contributed to the populist revolt and election of Donald Trump as U.S. president.

Experience suggests inflationary pressures are only likely to abate if the recovery threatens to stall or enters a mid-cycle slowdown.

If the U.S. economy avoids both in 2022/23, inflation will accelerate further and necessitate a tightening of monetary policy earlier than the central bank has indicated.

(Editing by Catherine Evans)

Half of U.S. states to end Biden-backed pandemic unemployment early

By Howard Schneider and Trevor Hunnicutt

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Half of U.S. states, all of them led by Republican governors, are cutting off billions of dollars in unemployment benefits for residents, rebuffing a key part of President Joe Biden’s response to the coronavirus recession.

The payments – an extra $300 per week from the federal government to unemployment recipients because of the pandemic – have become part of a political battle in Washington over how to best guide the country out of an economic downturn.

Maryland on Tuesday became the 25th state to announce it would stop the $300-per-week benefits before the federal program lapses in September. Governor Larry Hogan said that while the program gave “important temporary relief” during the pandemic, it was no longer needed now that “vaccines and jobs … are in good supply.”

Hogan is following 24 other GOP state leaders and business lobbying groups, who say the benefits mean people are turning down good jobs, leaving companies without the workers they need to reopen.

The Biden administration, Democrats, workers, activists and some economists argue, however, that a host of ongoing troubles – from lack of childcare to continued fear of infection to turning down good jobs – are keeping people out of the labor force. Just over 41% of the United States’ 328 million people are fully vaccinated.

The United States is about to undergo a real-time test of the issue. The 25 states turning down the federal cash have announced different end dates for the program. Benefits expire June 12 in Alaska, Iowa, Mississippi and Missouri, with the other 21 states falling off through July 10.

Unemployed workers may still be eligible for regular state unemployment benefits. But those vary widely. Unemployed people must take suitable jobs that are offered, White House officials have emphasized.

“Our view is that it’s going to take time for workers to regain confidence in the safety of the workplace, re-establish childcare, school, and commuting arrangements, and finish getting vaccinated,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki said on Wednesday. The White House would not try to stop states from cutting special unemployment benefits, she said last month.

Based on data from May 8 Department of Labor records, about 2.8 million people were collecting pandemic benefits in the 25 states terminating the program in the next few weeks.

Job postings are at a record high in the United States, while job growth in April was a disappointing 266,000. Employers in industries from manufacturing to hospitality say they’re desperately seeking more workers.

White House officials fear that rushing to kill programs too early, before mass vaccination is completed, could hurt working people and an economy still struggling to get back to health and millions of jobs short of where it was before the pandemic.

A May Quinnipiac poll found that 54% of Americans agree states should cut off the extra benefits early. Surplus money for workers was popular with voters through 2020, when Biden’s promise of stimulus helped the Democrat garner the votes needed to defeat Republican President Donald Trump.

Enriching and expanding unemployment insurance – broadening eligibility to include “gig” workers and topping up the state payments with what was initially $600 per week – was considered key in the Biden White House battle against what threatened to be a deep and enduring pandemic recession.

The extra money led to the odd circumstance of many workers earning more on unemployment than in their jobs, but that helped boost the economy in unexpected ways: personal income actually rose during the pandemic, household saving spiked, consumption held up as people splurged on new cars and appliances, and a feared wave of debt defaults never occurred.

(Reporting by Howard Schneider and Trevor Hunnicutt; editing by Heather Timmons and Jonathan Oatis)